|Al-Urdun Al-Jadid Research Center (UJRC)
Civil Society and Governance
Case Study: 10
The Role of the Society of Friends of the Chechen Ingush Republic
in the Chechen-Russian War (1994-1996)
(with reference to the eruption of hostilities in 1999)
Prepared by Murad Batal Chechani
The establishment of the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the People of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic by the Society of Friends of the Chechen Ingush Republic played a significant part in supporting the Chechens at the beginning of the Russian invasion of their country at the end of 1994. The role of the Society was thus an example of the success of one of Jordan’s civil society sectors in activating the other sectors of society, thereby jumping over the pitfalls which might have cropped up such as accusation of double loyalties or discrimination especially when we realize that the Society represents a small ethnic community inside Jordanian society (i.e. Jordanians of Chechen origin). It also has succeeded in mustering the efforts of Jordanian society and its civil society organizations without clashing with the government, which provided the Society with a reasonable margin of freedom that helped in enabling it to achieve its aims.
The declaration by the Chechens of their independence in 1991 and the eruption of the Chechen-Russian war in the years 1994-1996 were directly instrumental in putting the Chechen issue on the table whether at the academic or information level. The declaration of independence came after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of the ethnic national and religious claims among the people that had been placed under the Russian yoke for some considerable time.
Those claims often took the form of ethnic and religious conflicts such as the case of Nagorno-Kavabakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict and the Ossetian-Ingushi quarrel. The same also applies to the Chechen fight.
In fact those quarrels—or, to put it more accurately, conflicts—were only protracted social conflicts or a result of wrong demarcation of borders during the Soviet rule or an outcome of cultural discrimination between people which was practiced by the same authorities.
Chechens, as a matter of fact(i), are characterized by their long struggle with Russians regardless of the governmental system and regime in that country whether it was Tzarist, Communist or Federalist. The Chechen-Russian conflict is based on the dialectic of Chechen attempts to attain independence vis-à-vis Russian refusal to grant that independence. Such a dialectic produces different results according to the nature of the historical stage or the nature of the international order in existence.
The Chechen struggle began with Imam Mansour's rise in 1785 through the first Caucasian war(ii) led by Imam Shamil until the period after the triumph of the Bolshevik Revolution, which was marked by numerous wars and uprisings. Russian policies dealing with it ranged between ethnic purging and collective deportation(iii) which created a cultural heritage fraught with attempts to wrest independence from Russia(iv).
With the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Chechen people proclaimed independence and elected Dzokhar Dudayev, a former general of the Soviet Army as their president. This proclamation heralded protracted historic conflict between the Chechens and Russia which was based on the Chechens' desire to assert their rational and religious entity through independence which was faced by Russian refusal represented by a set of interests in the region. Such a background produces certain reasons for renewed conflict according to the character of the historical stage through which it passes as we have said above.
The Chechen-Russian War of 1994-1996 was an embodiment of these conditions reflecting, in the meantime, a set of other causes such as the corruption of the Russian military institution, the oil pipeline passing through Chechenia to the Caspian Sea, and other factors(v).
Chechens in Jordan
The resistance by the Chechen people to the Russian invasion of their country during various historical periods extended over nearly three centuries particularly in the Tzarist rule and specifically to Muslim countries that were represented by the Ottoman Empire.
The Chechen people, like some other Caucasian peoples such as the Adygea, the Kabardians, and the Circassians, in general had to emigrate in order to save their faith and ethnicity from Russian oppression. These emigrations began at the end of the 19th century, headed by religious leaders who mostly belonged to the Naqshabandi Sufi order.(vi)
The first stop of these emigrants was Turkey. Others continued their trek towards Greater Syria (Bilad al-Sham) where they settled. Chechen emigrating groups to Jordan came in two batches: the first in 1903 and the second in 1912. They settled in Zarka, Sweileh, Sukhneh, and Azraq, areas that were characterized by plentiful water and fertile land and by some degree of similarity with Chechen terrain in North Caucasus. The Chechens began to build towns, houses, and mosques in the areas where they settled.(vii)
In Jordan, Chechens kept their language, customs, traditions, and their acquired political rights of allocating a number of the Jordanian Parliament seats for them, unlike their fellow Chechens who settled in other countries of the Middle East. In this respect, the nature of the Jordanian regime and government system provided a convenient atmosphere.
The Jordanian regime believed in equality between all members of Jordanian society according to the provisions of the Jordanian constitution, the Jordanian National Charter, respect for all people as human beings, and the belief of the Jordanian regime in an Arab nationalism that is not motivated by chauvinism but by a harmonious combination between Arabism and Islam.(viii)
The Chechens who migrated to some other countries in the Middle East, on the other hand, were completely merged and assimilated in the larger societies of those countries because of the latter's official ideology, which gives preference to racist nationalist considerations. A case in point is the experience of Chechens in Turkey where they were faced by Tauranianism when Mustafa Kemal Ataturk came to power in Turkey after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire(ix), which facilitated Chechens' assimilation within the Turkish society. Thus they were not able to preserve their cultural identity, while in Jordan they were.
Subsequent to what has been said above, Chechens in Jordan formed a number of domestic institutions which proved to be a healthful tributary for Jordanian civil society.
Thus the Caucasian Club was established in Sweileh in 1932 as an umbrella for al-Nahdah al-Ilmiyyah Elementary School, where a number of Jordanian Chechen and other celebrities received their education. These included Mr. Sa'id Bino, a former minister, Mr. Ahmad al-Lawzi, a former prime minister, Mr. Mifleh al-Lawzi, a former member of the Lower House of Jordanian Parliament, and many others. The Club, it should be noted, continues its activities until today as an athletic, cultural, and social club. The Chechen Voluntary Society was established in Zarka in 1946 with three branches in Sweileh, Sukhneh, and Azraq. In the early 1980s the Chechen Women’s Voluntary Society was established in Zarka and Sweileh. In 1989 the Chechen Friends Society was established to foster cultural, educational, and social exchange with the Chechen Republic, in addition to acquainting the Jordanian and Chechen peoples with the causes and concerns of each other in a manner that strengthens bilateral amicable relations(x).
The Society of Friends of the Chechen-Ingush Republic
The role of this society became really prominent with the outbreak of the Chechen-Russian War in 1994, and it played a significant part in supporting the Chechen cause by virtue of its position as an association having close ties with the Chechen Republic. It hastened to rousing enthusiasm of concerned governmental Jordanian societies an institutions to establish the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the People of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic(xi). The aim was to direct Jordanian people towards supporting the Chechen cause through solidarity rallies, sit-ins, and charity bazaars as parts of fund raising and assistance campaigns to the people of Chechen and in an endeavor to win over public opinion and support at the local and international levels and to convince the world community of the justice of the Chechen cause and the Chechens’ right to independence and sovereignty(xii).
To achieve these purposes the Committee resorted to the following measures:
Collection of donations for the benefit of Chechen people who were painfully hit by the war.
Distribution of support and solidarity sheets to be signed by Jordanian citizens and then to be circulated and sent to concerned agencies.
Sending appeals and explanatory memoranda to leaders of all countries especially Syria, Turkey, Indonesia, Azerbaijan, Malaysia, United Arab Emirates, Sultanates of Oman, France, and the United States of America in addition to regional and international organizations explaining therein the real causes and elements of the Chechen crisis and calling for its resolution and for recognition of the independence of the Chechen Republic.
Treatment of war-injured persons through concerned bodies in Jordan.
Follow up of what is published and propagated about the Chechen war and clarification of facts about it, such as the Committee's protest against the statement of the Jordanian Ambassador in Moscow who regarded the Chechen problem as a purely Russian internal affair(xiii). Another example was sending a letter to the Director General of Jordanian Television (JTV) clarifying some points about the fact that Chechens are not were rebels as described by Jordan Television, while the letter appreciated JTV's liberal coverage of Chechen news(xiv).
It can be noticed from what has been said above that the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the People of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic worked at both local and international levels for the support of the Chechens in a bid to achieve its objectives through media help, and extend humanitarian assistance including money, food, and medical aid.
It may be safely said that the Society of Friends of the Chechen-Ingush Republic succeeded in activating and rousing the Jordanian civil society to support the Chechen people and their cause. This success by the Society was due to its ability to avoid falling into some pitfalls such as being accused of double loyalty owing to ethnic kinship, or of making attempts to split national unity by raising initial affiliation issues.
The first evidence of the Friends Society's success, and consequently the success of the Support Committee, was the Jordanian official stand when the late king Hussein showed keen interest in mediating between the Chechens and Moscow by calling for a peaceful solution of the conflict. The Jordanian Representative at the United Nations also raised the issue of human rights in Chechenia a during the Human Rights Conference held in Geneva in the year 1995(xv). In additional, the Jordanian official spokesman expressed concern of the Jordanian government over the war going on in Chechenia and, speaking on behalf of the Jordanian government, he advised deliberation and wise counsel to arrive at a peaceful solution of the Chechen crisis(xvi).
The Jordanian Prime Ministry also approved tax-free fund-raising campaigns for helping the Chechen people(xvii). Thus it can be said that thanks to these efforts of Jordanian Chechens, the Jordanian government took a firm stand with regard to the Chechen problem(xviii) in a manner which helped the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the People of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic to activate the Jordanian civil society segments far away from any harassment by or confrontation with the Jordanian government.
Aspects of the Friends Society's Success in Rousing Jordanian Civil Society's Active Support for the Chechen Cause
1- At the Level of Humanitarian Aid:
The Society managed to motivate the Jordanian people to give humanitarian help to the people of Chechenia. Through combined governmental and non-governmental efforts, the Society, represented by the Jordanian Committee of Support, was able to collect cash contributions amounting to about JD 370,000 from local, Arab, and international sources. The Society was able also to gain support of governmental and non-governmental organizations for the drive to subscribe in-kind materials including medicines, medical equipment, food and clothing donated by the Ministry of Health, the Armed Forces, the Hashemite Jordanian Charity Corporation, University of Jordan Hospital, and private companies. Three consignments of medical supplies were sent: one through the International Red Cross and two by land via Syria-Turkey-Azerbaijan. Humanitarian aid was not confined to what was mentioned above, but also 63 wounded Chechens were brought to Jordan where they received intensive medical care including surgical operations. Governments, military and private hospitals, private charity voluntary organizations(xix), and Islamic societies(xx) undertook to cover their medical treatment expenses.
Thus, through its own activities the Friends Society was able to motivate governmental and non-governmental bodies to help the Chechen people through material and humanitarian support.
2- At Information and Media Levels:
The Friends Society, represented by the Jordanian Committee for Support, was able to win over the Jordanian public opinion through the various civil society institutions. The first to raise the case at the level of the Lower House of Parliament was M.P. Dr. Bassam Umoush in his capacity as a member of the Islamic Action Front bloc which issued a statement condemning the Russian attack on Chechenia.
The "Wahda" and "Hashd" Parties, which were both leftist parties close to the Democratic and Popular Fronts of the Liberation of Palestine, also issued two statements in which they expressed their concern about the war in Chechenia and urged for resorting to peaceful means to resolve the conflict(xxi).
The Jordanian "al-Taqaddum" (progress) party, in turn, issued a statement in which it demanded cessation of hostilities and counseled resort to reason and deliberation in dealing with the conflict and bringing it to an end(xxii).
The Arab-Islamic Movement (Da'a), after having visited the Russian Ambassador in Amman, announced in a statement just after this visit that it refused forceful methods for dispute settlement and called for settling them by peaceful means(xxiii).
The society also managed to influence other parties to support the Chechen cause. Its activities in holding seminars and organizing lectures were quite instrumental in drawing the attention of research centers and press organs to hold discussion groups like Bait al-Hikmah of Al al-Bait University, al-Dostour daily newspaper(xxiv), and others.
The Society was also able to earn for the Chechen cause the sympathy of non-governmental organizations, both regional and local, such as human rights organizations, humanitarian bodies, and other similar agencies. One example is the statement issued by the Arab Human Rights Organization/Jordan Branch which condemned and censured the harsh treatment suffered by the brotherly Chechen people.(xxv)
Thus, we can conclude that the Friends Society was able to rouse and activate the Jordanian civil society with regard to the Chechen cause at the level of humanitarian help and media and that it managed to gain a considerable momentum for Chechen affairs in Jordan, especially through the following channels:
Winning over the Jordanian official stand to align itself with the Chechens.
Jumping over pitfalls like double loyalty or splitting national unity.
Gaining sympathy of Jordanian public opinion and the non-governmental organizations thereof.
Giving cash and in-kind assistance to the war victims.
Activity was not confined to the local level but went beyond that to include regional and international levels.
Causes of the Success of the Society of Friends of Chechen Ingush Republics as Represented by the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the People of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic
Three reasons can be given to the success as follows:
1- The Structure of the Society of Friends and the Jordanian Committee for Support:
It can be said that the founding members and the administrative body of the Society played a fundamental role in the success of the Society's work. Foremost among these was Prince al-Hasan, the Honorary President of the Society. The founding members, on the other hand, belong to an elitist segment of Jordanian society, including former ministers, university presidents university professors, retired officers, engineers, and media people. Apart from that, the founding members belonged to all social groups and segments. There were Jordanian from the north and south of the country, Muslims and Christians, and men and women(xxvi).
The Society’s structure was reflected in the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the People of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic. It consisted of groups that were similar to those of the structural framework of the Society, which was more instrumental in activating Jordanian civil Society for the following reasons:
The committee members were on good terms with the government and the governmental elite through an ex-minister, a member of the Lower House of Parliament, a former mayor, and so on, which provided a momentum for the Committee's work in formulating the Jordanian official stand.
The Committee members consisted of society members who were influential and effective in their relations as university faculty members and media people, which widened the Committee's opportunities in mobilizing Jordanian society with its aims.
The Committee member were Jordanians coming from various sources and origins, which precluded possibilities of bidding and outbidding.
2- The Nature of the Discourse Addressed to Jordanian Society.
The Friends' society represented by the Jordanian Committee concentrated its media address on the humanitarian dimension of the Chechen Question, and on the massacres perpetrated against the Chechen people, through exposing the Chechens' suffering because of the Russian savage measures taken against them throughout history(xxvii). The Society did not try to highlight the national and religious distinctive qualities of the Chechen people but laid stress on the humanitarian dimensions of the crisis, which was highly conducive to earning Jordanian popular sympathy and the support of Jordanian civil society sectors. Thus there were no suspicions of religious or national bias or prejudices. The Jordanian Committee was also able to utilize Chechen occasions like the anniversary of the deportation to display a clear picture before Jordanian Society about a part of the sufferings of this people and to acquaint Jordanians thereby with Chechen history and its tragedies(xxviii).
This human discourse was able to win over the civil society sectors away from accusations of partiality and introversion or clashing with the Jordanian government through raising the issue of military support for Chechen fighters, or sending volunteers—although some have volunteered on a personal basis and were killed in action, a situation which might have embarrassed the Jordanian government with the Russian authorities(xxix).
3- The Nature of Jordanian Society and Its Relation with Chechen Society:
The population of Jordan has an overwhelming Muslim majority. It is therefore natural that, as a part of the Muslim world, it will show sympathy to the causes of other Muslim peoples. This provided a strong motive for the support which Jordanians accorded to the Chechen stand during the crisis. The Jordanian people on the other hand, did not deal with the Chechen people as an alien element, but as part and parcel of the Jordanian social framework, which reduced the likelihood of any discrimination in the relation between pure Jordanians and pure Chechens.
Moreover, the Chechen community in Jordan has not displayed any negative or passive introversion but has coexisted with the Jordanian people without any sensitivities whatsoever. Chechens in Jordan wholeheartedly identified themselves with Jordanian national and pan-Arab causes, offered their own martyrs without hesitation in Palestine and the Golan Heights, and shared with Jordanian society all the latter's problems and issues.
Owing to this stock which is based on good relations, the sympathy displayed by the Jordanian people with the Chechen cause was genuine, natural, and free from all forms and sensitivities of discrimination. A striking proof of this Jordanian outlook towards Chechens was given in an interview that British journalist Verona Bennett made with Gayth Musinar, a Jordanian judge in London, who said: "I am surprised at the propaganda which depicts Chechens as terrorists. There are thousands of them in my own country (Jordan) who are well known for integrity and straight forwardness"(xxx). This illustrates the good relations of Jordanian Chechens with their social milieu, which contributed to Friends Society's success in supporting their Chechen brethren.
Fighting in Chechenia Renewed in 1999
In the last quarter of 1999, fighting broke out once more in the Chechen republic, but with new implications resulting from the claim of "escalating Islamic extremism and Islamic fundamentalism" where the Russian media played a significant role in internationalizing the conflict and shifting it from the context of a national liberation movement to an international problem by an attempt to stem the tide of "terrorism." But a careful look into the causes of renewed fighting refutes this media-oriented proposition and points to the rise of new international schemes of transfer of oil through pipelines. There was also a feeling of humiliation among the Russian military, especially after their abject failure in Chechen-Russian war of 1994-1999 and the international exclusion of Russia in the recent Kosovo events. There was also an increasing weight of extremism in Chechenia besides Russia's attempts to make arrangements for the post-Bolshevism period.
The oil project demonstrated by the new Turco-American proposition of diverting the oil pipeline which passes through Chechen territory—which would deprive Russia of the only pipeline that passes through Russian territory, according to the Russian allegation that Chechenia is part of Russia—has driven Russia to a military adventure in the Chechen Republic. The Russian military also exerted pressure in this direction, for Russia looked to the Russian defeat in Chechenia as a "disgraceful thing" according to many observers. This was followed by an international exclusion of Russia in the Kosovo events of 1999, which provided Russia with a military motive to invade Chechenia in order to restore Russia's international prestige.
In fact, some generals of the Russian army threatened to take off their military uniforms if the Kremlin decided to stop war in Chechenia.
Furthermore, the escalating radical current in Chechenia, as represented in an alliance between nationalist and religious radicalism, coupled with the rise of Pan Caucasian ideas in North Caucasus as represented by invasion of Daghestan nearly in August 1999, caused Russia to invade Chechenia because the Russians were afraid at the domino effect of the de facto independence of Chechenia on other North Caucasus republics. They were also afraid of the growing extremist unionist current in North Caucasus. The decision to reinvade Chechenia also was caused by rising accusations against Yaltsin's financial integrity and his search for a man who would save him from any legal accountability and the same time win the confidence of the Russian people; and here appeared Vladimer Putin(xxxi).
The renewed fighting at the end of the summer of 1999 was instrumental in rousing Chechen institutions in Jordan to repeat the Society's role in the 1994-1996 war, but these efforts were blocked by the objection of the Jordanian government. This is apparently due to the role of the Russian media which depicts the Chechen as terrorists, accusing the Chechens of blowing up residential buildings in Moscow, taken above the escalating extremist Islamic tide in Chechenia(xxxii) and alleges that Ibn al-Khatiab is a Jordanian national(xxxiii). It seems that Jordan's fear of being accused of supporting extremism made Jordan refrain from taking stands similar to those taken in 1994-1996. Thus the Jordanian government did not authorize fundraising for the Chechen war victims; nor did the Jordanian government permit staging a protest procession before the Russian Embassy by any non-governmental Chechen organization, except for a small rally in the back yard of the Jordanian Prime Ministry building. Only one statement was made by the Jordanian government condemning the Russian military operations during the period when the European Security and cooperation conference was being held in Turkey. But the intervention of King Abdullah II and his subscription of US $100,000 to the Society caused some change in the Jordanian government's attitude. It was permitted to raise funds through the Hashemite Relief Corporation and the Friends Society. A national committee also set at an initiative of the Islamic Action Front Party for the support of the Chechen people. However, despite all the efforts and the changes which took place in the attitude of the Jordan government as a result of the head of the state's intervention, these endeavors are still so weak as to highlight the role of information at the present stage of international order where the media was really effective in bringing about the reserved stand taken by the Jordanian government.
It can be concluded that the Society of Friends of the Chechen-Ingush Republic managed to play a successful role in activating the civil society sectors in Jordan to achieve the objective of supporting their brethren in the Chechen Republic, by obtaining Jordanian government's support through structuring the Society and the discourse and atmosphere that prescribed the role of these sectors. The Society was able to offer humanitarian relief and media activation for supporting the Chechen cause and to earn the sympathy of Jordanian public opinion throughout the Russian-Chechen war of 1994-1996. But the period of renewed warfare in Chechenia in 1999 did not witness effective work of the Chechen non-governmental institutions in Jordan because of the faltering governmental attitude as compared with that of 1994-1996, owing to the accusations leveled by the Russian information media against the Chechen people who were charge with "terrorism" and "Islamic extremism,” which produced an official Jordanian fear of being labeled as supporting terrorism. This emphasizes the importance of the media in influencing external governmental decisions on the stage of world affairs.
N.B. All sources are in Arabic unless otherwise indicated.
i() The Chechen Republic lies in the northeast Caucasus between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea. Geographically it is landlocked, with Russia in the north, Georgia in the south, Daghestan in the east and the Republic of Ingushia and North Ossetia in the west. The area of the Chechen Republic is 11300 sq. km. It is noteworthy that Chechen borders are largely administrative and not natural geographical ones owing to the Soviet practices of border and national area demarcation. With regard to population it is difficult at present to estimate the number correctly because exact statistics for evaluation are rare, and it is almost impossible to estimate the number of war casualties. However, the latest census which was held in 1989 puts the figure at 1.27 million people who are Muslim and belong to the Euro-Caucasian race. For more information see Muhammad al-Sayyid Salem "Introduction to the Chechen people" in Muhammad al-Sayyid Saleem (editor) of the Chechen problem: Origins and prospects; Asiatic studies Center, Asiatic Studies Series No. (1), Cairo, 1995, page 1. See also Fakhruddin al-Daghestani: Islamic people in (Former) Soviet Union, International Studies Center, 1st edition, Amman, 1992, p.40.
ii() For more details about historicity of the conflict see John F. Baddeley, Russian Conquest of the Caucasus
, translated into Arabic by Sadik Ibrahim Odeh, published by Taha Sultan Murad, Amman, 1987.
iii() For further details on the Stalinist epoch and attempts to obliterate Chechens' cultural identity and deportation see: Robert Conquest, Nation Killers, translated into Arabic by Sadik Ibrahim Odeh, published by Taha Sultan Murad, Amman, 1988.
iv() Nabeeh al-Isfahni: "Armed Conflict in Chechenia and the Fate of the Commonwealth" al-Siysssah al-Dawliyyah (international politics), No. (120), April, 1995, p. 172.
v() For more information about the Chechen-Russian war causes see, Murad Batal al-Shishani, “An Analytical view of the Chechen Crisis", Al-Arab al-Youm Newspaper, Jordan, part I, December 3, 1999.
vi() One of the Muslim Sufi orders which spread in the Chechen Republic since the 18th century according to some researchers, it led the Chechen resistance movement during various periods. Its origins go back to the Indian subcontinent.
vii() Ratib al-Bashayreh: Jordanian Chechens
, Ministry of Culture, Amman 1st
edition, 1999, pp. 95-113.
viii() Muhammad Suleiman al-Dajani and Munthir Suleiman al-Dajani, Introduction to the Jordanian Political System, Palmino Press, Amman 1st edition, 1993, pp. 264-265.
ix() Venora Bennett, Crying Wolf, The Return of war to Chechenya, Picador, 1998, London P. 1445 (in English).
x() See Basic Regulations of the Society of Friends of the Chechen Ingush Republic, Article 2, page 5.
xi() Sa'id Bino, Chechens and Russian Colonization, 1859-1991, Amman, 1st Edition, 1997, p. 310.
xii() Ratib al-Bashayreh: Jordanian Chechens, op. cit., pp. 145-148.
xiii() A Statement Issued by the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the people of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic (n.d.).
xiv() A Letter addressed from the Chairman of the Jordanian Committee for the support of the Chechen people to the director of Jordan Television (JTV) (n.d.)
xv() Ratib al-Bashayreh: Jordanian Chechens, op. Cit. pp. 140-147.
xvii() Prime Ministry Letter No. 755/1/12/13 dated January 19, 1995.
xviii() Samuel Huntington "Clash of Civilizations Remaking of the World Order, translated by Tala't al-Shayib, Dar Sutour, 1st ed., Cairo, 1998, p. 450.
xix() Said Bino, Chechens and Russian Colonialism, 1859-1991, op. cit., pp 213-314.
xx() See Letter of the Islamic Center Society to the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the People of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic, No. MST/168, dated September 28, 1995, which points out that the Society agrees to pay the expenses of ten wounded people.
xxi() Al-Rai Jordanian Newspaper December 27, 1994.
xxii() Al-Rai Jordanian Newspaper January 6, 1995.
xxiii() Al-Rai Jordanian Newspaper January 16, 1995
xxiv() Al-Dostour Jordanian Newspaper, December 21, 1994, p. 11.
xxv() Arab Organization for Human Rights Statement, Jordan, February 6, 1995.
xxvi() See the lost of the names of the Society Founding members on the Basic Regulations of the Society.
xxvii() Statement by the Jordanian Committee for the Support of the People of the Independent Caucasian Chechen Republic dated March 31, 1996.
xxviii() Jordanian Committee, Statement dated February 23, 1995 on the 51st anniversary of Chechen people's Deportation to Siberia and Kazakhstan.
xxix() Venora Bennett, Crying Wolf,
op. cit., p. 455, an interview with the press spokesperson of the Committee
, Mrs. Toujan Faisal, Member of Lower House of Parliament.
xxx() Ibid. p. 445.
xxxi() See Murad Batal al-Shishani, "An Analysis Vision of the Chechen Crisis", Al-Arab al-Youm Newspaper December 10, 1999, p.6, and also Murad Batal al-Shishani, "Resignation of Yaltsin, Putin, and the Chechen war", Al-Rai Jordanian Newspaper Feb. 5, 2000 p. 13.
xxxii() Concerning media-orientation and Islamophobia in Chechenia, see Salah I22, "Millennial Myths, Islamophobia and Chechen Terrorism". Al-Hayat newspaper, London No. 134651, January 18, 2000, p. 18.
xxxiii() An Arab fighter of Gulf origin who took part in fighting in Afghanistan, Tajikstan and finally Chechenia. He believes in the establishment of the Islamic State all over the world. He is 37 years of age.